‘The Overall Fear Of Crime Has Increased Over The Last

‘The overall fear of crime has increased over the last two decades due to populist(democratic) , and not evidence based, attempts to reduce crime.’ Critically discuss this statement. The fear of crime has established a surprising amount of attraction in the past two decades. Fear of crime is an emotional reaction and it is not based on reality. People who are very fearful are less likely at risk. Panic and fear of crime mainly comes through media. The government and its politics plays a huge part in the overall fear of crime. Even though their attempts are to reduce crime, or as politicians uses the term â€Å"what the public wants† in their speech for their own motives and to gain trust from the citizens. However, in order to do what the†¦show more content†¦In relation to the offender, ‘Nothing works’ (Martinson, 1974), became the dominant orthodoxy within criminology. All governments have to address the issue of law and order. However, for Conservative party ‘law and order’ became a slogan. But their economic failures effected the raising crime rates through unemployment (Field, 1990; Sampson and Laub, 1993). Ron Clark e 1980, offered in approach to crime prevention which did not entail ‘softness’ towards offenders and removed responsibility for failure to control crime from the police force. 1990s New labour time the nature of debate was how to bring more toughness in law. End of labour government, people was in fear. 1997- 2010 ‘Tough on crime, tough on the causes of crime’. Reassuring policing- that crime is been looked after. They wanted to show that by catching more criminals, people should not think crime rates are going high. Supported police (pay up by 40%). 2010†¦ the conservative (coalition governments): ‘zero tolerance’ policing. Turned police officers into ‘social workers’ rather than ‘crime fighters’. Major cuts on police budget. However, this is all about Penal populism- an appeal to ‘the people’. A policy to win votes rather than reduce crime. Pragmatist- quick solution- politicians believes that if t here is problem occurring then quick solution is the best way to solve it rather thanShow MoreRelatedWhat Is The Validity Of A Report1649 Words   |  7 PagesGovernment report (2016) shows that crime rates are increasing in Scotland, with some places worse than others. The article claims that the Shetland Islands, Dumfries and Galloway, and Aberdeenshire have increased in crime rates from 2015 to 2016, whilst Edinburgh and Glasgow have become safer places to live, having decreased in crime rates. The article claims that rapes cases and sexual crimes are at their highest levels ever, with sexual crimes increasing by 53% over the last 10 years. Finally, the articleRead MoreFear Of Crime Is An Emotional Reaction Essay1667 Words   |  7 Pages‘The overall fear of crime has increased over the last two decades due to populist(democratic) , and not evidence based, attempts to reduce crime.’ Critically discuss this statement. The fear of crime has established a surprising amount of attraction in the past two decades. Fear of crime is an emotional reaction and it is not based on reality. People who are very fearful are less likely at risk. Panic and fear of crime mainly comes through media. The government and its politics plays a huge partRead MoreHow Policing Has Changed Since 9 / 111281 Words   |  6 PagesPolicing has changed since 9/11. They wanted different ways to detect terrorist actions and criminal acts. So community policing was implemented. 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Internal And External Conflict In Much Ado About Nothing...

For a text to be successful, characters must experience internal and external conflict. This is because internal conflict makes a character believable and relatable, whereas external conflict makes the plot engaging and increases tension. This is shown through Shakespeare’s ‘Much Ado About Nothing’. Benedick experiences both internal and external conflict, which successfully makes him an engaging character and increases the tension that the audience experiences. Benedick is the willful lord who recently returned from fighting wars and vowed never to marry. At the start of the play, Benedick encounters a main character, Beatrice. Benedick and Beatrice have a â€Å"merry war† between them as they appear to verbally attack each other at every†¦show more content†¦The fact that he is going against his reputation, which includes his vow never to marry, leads us to think that we need to overcome our own pride before we are able to be worthy of another person’s love and loyalty. Contrasting to the internal conflict of Benedick, when he learns Beatrice loves him, he immediately says, â€Å"Love me? Why, it must be requited.† The audience s reaction from this seems that Benedick may have experienced internal conflict when they argued as he had feelings for h er. Another intrusion of internal conflict Benedick faces, is with his good friend Claudio. Benedick and Claudio are close friends with their mutual reliance forged in war. However, tension begins to rise when Benedick is torn between his love for Beatrice and his friendship with Claudio, but Beatrice wins. Shakespeare does this to further develop the significance of love and how it can overrule friendship. Claudio is good friends with Benedick, yet Benedick is willing to sacrifice his long term relationship with Claudio for his lover, Beatrice. This is shown through, â€Å"Enough, I am engaged. I will challenge him†. Benedick is willing to challenge Claudio to satisfy Beatrice. From this, the audience is kept engaged with the text and Benedick as a character. He has shown to continuously change his motives as in the beginning, he wished not to marry, yet now he does. Ultimately, his external and internal conflict amplified tension that the audience experienced,Show MoreRelat edevery day use3221 Words   |  13 Pagesï » ¿ Your name Course and section number Date Paper draft (for example, Paper #1 Draft A or In-class Essay #2) On subsequent pages, in the upper right corner write: The paper s title Your name Page number Character analysis of the story â€Å"Everyday Use† by Alice Walker 1) Pay attention to the character’s ethics. Does the character make just or unjust choices? Consider Atticus Finch in Harper Lee’s ToRead MoreGp Essay Mainpoints24643 Words   |  99 Pages GP NOTES 2010 (ESSAY) Content Page 1. Media a. New vs. Traditional b. New: narcissistic? c. Government Censorship d. Profit-driven Media e. Advertising f. Private life of public figures g. Celebrity as a role model h. Blame media for our problems i. Power + Responsibility of Media j. Media ethics k. New Media and Democracy 2. Science/Tech a. Science and Ethics b. Government and scientist role in science c. Rely too much on technology? d. Nuclear technologyRead MoreDiscuss the Importance of Non Verbal Communication to Education24125 Words   |  97 PagesRural Poverty Portal * Contact us * Employment scam * Site map * Copyright * Subscribe * What s new * Accessibility ------------------------------------------------- Top of Form Search Bottom of Form * Home * About * Operations * Development effectiveness * Evaluation * From the field * Partners * Topics * Newsroom * Events * Documents amp; publications * Photos * Videos * Jobs * Operations * Project cycle

The Causes and Solutions to Ethnic Conflicts Free Essays

Scholars of International Security have been trying to develop a theoretical approach to explain the causes of ethnic conflict for a long time. These studies have led to contentious debates but have also probed so deeply that their findings help shed new light on these issues, providing better understanding and possible solutions. Ethnic groups are defined as a community of people who share cultural and linguistic characteristics including religion, language, history, tradition, myth, and origin. We will write a custom essay sample on The Causes and Solutions to Ethnic Conflicts or any similar topic only for you Order Now This paper will explore the realist explanations of ethnic conflicts and then see how critical theory explanations offer new insight and answers to puzzles that could not be previously be explained. It will then explore several of the possible solutions used to end incidents of ethnic violence. Finally, it will focus on the debate surrounding partition as a possible solution to ethnic conflict, concluding that it is in fact a viable option for peace when implemented judiciously. According to realist explanations, ethnic conflicts are deeply rooted in cognitive and situational needs. In his article, â€Å"The Security Dilemma and Ethnic Conflict,† realist scholar Barry Posen claims that anarchy creates competition and hostility between ethnic, religious and cultural groups. Ethnic fractions act to preserve their identity and physical security through the accumulation of resources and military power. Interestingly, Posen notes that social cohesion is viewed as a larger threat than material assets in military competition. Social cohesion, he claims, derives from historical accounts of identity building which often are inaccurate and biased; thus perpetuating cultural differences and hatred of the other. [1] Accordingly, ethnic tensions are inevitable but can quickly magnify to warfare when one group coerces or dominates the other militarily or ideologically. Realists, such as Posen do not ignore the fact that â€Å"ideas† are essential elements of ethnic conflict, but rather use them support the needs of power and mutual deterrence. In his article, â€Å"Symbolic Politics or Rational Choice? ,† Stewart Kaufman attempts to deconstruct realist explanations of ethnic conflicts by introducing his own theory called â€Å"symbolic politics. † According to this theory, episodes of extreme ethnic violence are caused by, â€Å"[ G]roup myths that justify hostility, fears of group extinction and a symbolic politics of chauvinist mobilization. † [2] Kaufman believes that these myths produce â€Å"emotion-laden symbols that make mass hostility easy for chauvinist elites to provoke and make extremist policies popular. [3] Both Posen and Kaufman use the situation in former Yugoslavia to validate their respective theories. According to Posen’s realist explanation, the origin of the conflict was a primordial contentious relationship between the Croats and Serbs. Due to the past violence and aggression inflicted upon them by the Croats, the Serbs were justifiably fearful for their security. Their ability to mobilize and slight military advantage prompted mutual fear and competition from the Croats, which in turn resulted in the Serbs launching what they perceived to be a preventative war. 4] Kaufman’s symbolic politics theory suggests that the conflict was not one based on group interests or material factors, but rather, â€Å"the struggle for relative group worth†[5] and that charismatic leaders such as Milosevic and Tudjman exploited pre-existing myths and symbols which appealed to the emotions of the public, in order promote their own, expansionist agendas. [6] Upon in depth analysis of both scholars’ explanations, I found each to be very similar and plausible. In my opinion, Kaufman’s â€Å"symbolic politics† theory does not undermine Posen’s realist explanation of the conflict, but rather supports and expands on it. Kaufman’s explanation appears to be more of a critical analysis which combines elements of realist explanations (power), liberal explanations (elite manipulation of ethnic differences by leaders) and constructivist explanations (ethnic identities are constructed by historical â€Å"myths. †) In the same article, Kaufman examines the ethnic conflicts of Sudan and Rwanda as case studies to further support his symbolic politics theory. The most dominant explanation for ethnic conflict in these areas had been the realist account, which claimed that European colonialism created strife by reconstructing African identities and exploiting their resources; forcing them the compete with each other for survival. While I do believe that these realist explanations are legitimate factors, I do not think they are the only ones. After reading Stuart Kaufman’s in depth explanations, I am now convinced that value systems—or lack thereof, lie at the root of ethnic conflict. In Northern Sudan, Islamic values encouraged hostile expansionism of Sharia law, which threatened the survival (identity) of the Southern Sudanese who were unwilling to submit to it. Similarly, the creation of hostile myths against the Tutsi minority and large scale acceptance of the use of violence against them in Rwanda shows how easily populations lacking strong value systems can be manipulated by political elites into justifying the most heinous acts of violence against other human beings. Just as there are many plausible theories that explain the causes of ethnic conflicts worldwide, there too are many possible solutions. Although he is a realist scholar, Barry Posen admits that peacekeeping can sometimes be achieved through diplomatic measures, mainly by encouraging groups involved in the conflict to reexamine their past history from a more objective standpoint. Other third party options include: the creation of international institutions aimed at rebuilding domestic institutions, international treaties such as the non-proliferation policy, the use of economic sanctions, and the use of peacekeeping forces. All of these solutions have had success in some areas and failures elsewhere. When international diplomatic peacekeeping efforts fail and the ethnic conflict persists, outside powers are sometimes forced to implement material methods of assistance including military support and weaponry. Because warfare is always a last resort, the use of partitions has become a highly effective but equally controversial method used to suppress ethnic violence. According to some realist scholars, the separation of ethnic identities serves a necessary purpose; it provides people with meaningful associations and security. Chaim Kaufmann, though a prominent proponent of the use of partitions in pervasive interethnic conflict, still acknowledges that they should be used as a last resort and that the risks of partition and population transfers are only worth undertaking if they are saving the lives that would have been sacrificed if they had not occurred. [7] Critics of the use of partitions such as Radha Kumar argue that they do little to mitigate violence, but instead escalate tensions and cause mass movements of forced migration. 8] In his article, â€Å"When All Else Fails: Ethnic Population Transfers and Partitions in the Twentieth Century,† Chaim Kaufmann does a good job at deconstructing this myth. He claims that persistent violence creates refugee movements because people are afraid to stay where they are, or are at times forced to leave by opposing militant forces. Therefore, intermixed populations will inevitably become separated and the use of partitions only serves as an organizational vehicle which would enable them to resettle in a structured and protected manner. 9] Kumar’s arguments are further refuted by Kaufmann’s use of empirical data which prove that incidents of violence actually diminished when partitions were constructed in Ireland, India and Cyprus and that marginal increases of violence in those regions were not a result of the partition, but rather the lack of complete separation between rival groups within those regions. Kaufmann concedes that the case with Israel and Palestine is a special circumstance due to the fact that Palestinian threats are so pervasive that Israel’s existence is dependent on the partition. In contrast, Kumar’s strongest argument is that partition has rarely been anything more than a temporary solution to conflict, but its psychological effects are permanent. [10] After considering both sides of the argument, I believe the benefits of using partitions far out way the costs. While the psychological barriers that partitions create are an unfortunate reality, the numbers of lives they save are more important. In closing it is important to understand that each case of ethnic conflict studied has individual characteristics which make it unique and thus the causes and solutions to each situation are unique as well. Despite their variance, there is still something that can be learned and applied by studying each case. The realist explanation asserts that power and security factors are the motivating cause for conflict, but new critical theory explanations help us to see that physical and psychological security alone are not enough to deter episodes of ethnic violence. While it has been proven that material factors such as military and nuclear capability and partitions are effective deterrents, they should only be used as last result methods. International institutions, treaties and post conflict reconstruction initiatives are all instrumental in the peacekeeping effort. But in my opinion, the most effective method used for reducing incidences of ethnic violence is that of nation building. I’ve arrived at this conclusion, not only through scholarly analysis but also through personal experience. As a fourth generation Jewish American who grew up in the â€Å"melting pot† of New York City, I have been fortunate to witness the success of democratic values first hand. While I understand that constructing civic identities based on universal values of â€Å"liberty and justice for all† may seem like an overly idealistic notion, I need only to look at the success of my country and my city to know that it can be done. 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